The Unknown AutoMaidan. Episode 4: The Backstage of the Revolution. Zozulya Yuriy.
Episode 4: The Backstage of the Revolution
January 19, 2014
The Revolution of Dignity changed the course of history and the country, but much of what happened on Maidan was unpleasant. At the peak of resistance, it was impossible to speak openly about it. On the anniversary, we decided to reconstruct the chronology of those epochal days to avoid free interpretations and speculations.
AutoMaidan was deeply integrated into all aspects of the struggle and witnessed the backstage of the revolution, which, unfortunately, was often unsavory and dirty. The main disgrace came from the opposition leaders. None of us expected ideal revolutionary conditions, but it was nauseating to see how these scoundrels continued to vie for personal gain and conduct corrupt negotiations behind the scenes while the people were fighting for justice and pure intentions. But we had no choice but to push this "opposition" forward. The main evil—the Yanukovych regime—united us. From time to time, we negotiated with the opposition and moved forward together.
Revealing the truth about the internal conflicts among opposition leaders at that time was not logical. Firstly, people on Maidan needed to remain hopeful about the revolution and its leaders. Secondly, it was only possible to win by sticking together, even if it meant allying with these scoundrels. Publicly exposing this at the time would have harmed the struggle; now, on the anniversary, it is both possible and necessary to highlight these unattractive sides of the revolution.
The idea that someone was orchestrating the Euromaidan (especially from abroad, like the Americans) does not stand up to scrutiny. No one was directing Euromaidan; there was no plan. It was a chaotic, disorganized movement of various activist groups. We were certain of this because every morning started with activists and leaders, including opposition figures, texting and calling each other to find out if anyone had a plan or any new ideas. But the leaders were only focused on self-promotion and gaining political dividends, eager to get to the microphone and stage.
The popular resistance was against the self-promotion of political parties and opposition leaders. There was even a conflict with the BYuT, who actively tried to put up a poster with Yulia Tymoshenko on the Christmas tree. We, together with the self-defense forces, stopped them from hanging it, and it almost led to a fight. But the BYuT members were so brazen that it turned into a conflict, and they cared more about promoting Yulia than about Maidan itself. We didn’t go for open conflict, and the poster of Yulia stayed on the Christmas tree, though it was torn down several times.
The leaders of Euromaidan—Tiahnybok, Yatsenyuk, and Klitschko—proved to be toothless and incapable of driving the popular uprising. Only the heroic activity of ordinary activists and Yanukovych's ripe criminality, coupled with his unexpected departure, allowed us to win. The ineffective assemblies and speeches of the opposition led us to despair by January 19, 2014, and we understood that if we didn’t shift the momentum on Maidan, we would have to leave the country.
AutoMaidan was mainly composed of the middle class, which experienced firsthand the racketeering lawlessness of the security forces, the family's expropriation of businesses, and the bleak prospects of doing business and developing in Ukraine under this criminal Donetsk regime. Each participant had their own motives. Personally, I wasn’t particularly driven by the idea of Eurointegration. With annual multiple-entry visas, I could travel easily throughout Europe and the world, and I did business in Ukraine. I didn’t see much effect from Eurointegration. My motivation was to remain living and working in Ukraine without paying outrageous bribes to greedy officials, without buying off security forces constantly harassing us, and without fearing that someone might take an interest in my business and use tax authorities, prosecutors, and courts to seize what I had built over decades.
At that time, "THE FAMILY" was seizing assets from X-park.
In AutoMaidan, my role was defined as a systematic analyst and coordinator of several resistance directions and actions. When, before the next assembly scheduled for January 19, 2014, there was another deadlock of understanding prospects and it was clear that people would gradually disperse and everything would come to nothing, we decided to push for decisive actions and propose one People's Leader of Resistance from AutoMaidan and rally the people behind them! Waiting further from this three-headed dragon was not an option. We decided to determine within a day who was suitable and whom AutoMaidan would support.
Yatsenyuk was immediately discarded; he was a political schemer and a principled traitor, willing to sell out his own mother for a career and power, let alone the revolution. His tainted reputation as a budget embezzler who had never owned a business but lived like an oligarch was well-known. The same opinion was held about the pro-Putin crook and thief Yulia Tymoshenko. Tiahnybok, a small-time politician constantly looking for the most advantageous sale, jumped on the national idea but had also enriched himself through obscure schemes.
Petro Poroshenko, the ripe racketeer, appeared at Maidan only for publicity. If 5 Channel was running around Maidan, Poroshenko would soon show up. He would walk among the tents, with operators placing him in the right angles against the backdrop of tents to convey the epochal nature of his presence.
The 5 Channel broadcast was undoubtedly the best thing he did for the revolution. Klitschko, as he earned his capital, had no questions. He was decent, had not learned to be cunning or to weave intrigues, and was not known for betrayal. He was European-oriented, and we decided to declare him the leader of the movement from AutoMaidan. We understood that Klitschko lacked political experience and knowledge, but this was better than having a political schemer. He showed honesty, decency, and a genuine desire to change the country rather than just gain publicity or political dividends.
As always, we choose not the best of the best, but the best of those who are available.
The revolution turned out to be much more valuable; the righteous urge of millions to rid themselves of the criminal gang was marred by the opposition politicians. We knew that Yatsenyuk was negotiating with Yanukovych about becoming Prime Minister, which was later revealed. Yatsenyuk’s attempts to maneuver became apparent, but it was clear that the people would have buried him for such betrayal; he wanted it badly but didn’t dare. All of Klitschko’s intrigues were handled by the main party member of UDAR (THE HIT), Vitaliy Kovalyuk, who, once he realized that Poroshenko would run for president, betrayed Klitschko and jumped to Poroshenko.
Assembly January 19, 2014
And so, before the next assembly, which could have ended again in talk and nothing more.
AutoMaidan developed its plan, gathering at the café of the Khreshchatyk Hotel because the European Square mafia was swarming with SSU agents, as it turned out later, who were tailing everyone. The idea was to resolve all the mess between the opposition and choose a single leader of resistance to rally the revolutionary force around. We decided that the best candidate was the brave and combative Klitschko, who had not yet compromised himself with political intrigues and betrayal.
It didn’t matter that he lacked political experience. He would become a symbol of the revolution around which activists could rally. We talked to Klitschko in the evening and warned him that we would propose him as a leader. He did not object.
So, on January 19, 2014, at the assembly, with about 500,000 people on the square, Koba and all the leaders of AutoMaidan appeared on stage, and Klitschko showed up. At this time, I observed some confusion on stage, and Koba was nervously discussing something with Klitschko. I realized that something was going wrong. Then I received a text message saying that Klitschko "had backed down" and didn’t want to be announced as the leader from the stage. "Not the right time, it will ruin the resistance," and so on. We did not expect this from Klitschko.
And then the microphone was handed to Koba, and he gave an epochal speech that changed the course of history. And it was in this speech that the dirty mess and deceit became evident. At that moment, the microphone and sound system on stage were controlled by Yatsenyuk’s people. As soon as something was said that they didn’t like, they would turn off the microphone. Koba demanded a single leader!! and just then, Yatsenyuk’s people turned off the microphone. But Koba brilliantly navigated the situation, leaving the choice to the people among these three revolutionary leaders and called for the abolition of dictatorial laws. This moment marked the beginning of the active phase, leading to the confrontation on Hrushevskoho Street and the sequence of events that led to Yanukovych’s escape and the change of power.
He spoke from the heart and didn't fully grasp the consequences.
Episode 3.
The Backstage of the Revolution.
January 19, 2014
The Revolution of Dignity changed the course of history and the country, but much of what happened on the Maidan was unpleasant. At the height of the resistance, it was impossible to speak about it. On the anniversary, we decided to reconstruct the chronology of those epochal days to avoid free interpretations and speculations.
Automaydan was deeply integrated into all aspects of the struggle and witnessed the underbelly of the revolution, which, unfortunately, was unpleasant and dirty in many ways. The main source of this unpleasantness came from the opposition leaders. None of us expected perfect revolutionary conditions, but it was repugnant to see how these scoundrels continued to engage in self-promotion during the people’s fight for justice, while secretly conducting corrupt negotiations just to seize power. Yet, there was no alternative but to push this "opposition" forward. The main evil – the Yanukovych regime – united us. Occasionally, we made deals with the opposition and moved forward together.
Revealing the whole truth about the internal struggles among the opposition leaders was not logical at that time. Firstly, people on the Maidan should not be disillusioned with the revolution and its leaders. Secondly, only by sticking together could we defeat the regime. Thus, exposing this to the public would have harmed the struggle. Now, on the anniversary, it's important to shed light on these unattractive aspects of the revolution.
The idea that someone was directing the Euromaidan (especially from abroad, like the Americans) is completely unfounded. The Euromaidan was not managed by anyone; there was no plan, just a chaotic and disorganized movement of various activist groups. Every morning, all the activists and leaders, including opposition figures, would check in with each other to find out if anyone had a plan or if someone had come up with a strategy. Leaders were only focused on self-promotion to gain political dividends, trying to get to the microphone or the stage.
The public resistance was against party and opposition leader PR. There was even a conflict with Yulia Tymoshenko’s party, who persistently tried to put up a poster of Yulia on the Christmas tree, but we and the self-defense groups prevented them, almost leading to a fight. But the BЮТ members were so brazen that it turned into a conflict, and they couldn't care less about the Maidan; they only wanted to promote Yulia. We didn’t go into open conflict, and although the poster of Yulia was taken down several times, it still hung on the Christmas tree.
Leaders of the Euromaidan, such as Tyahnybok, Yatsenyuk, and Klitschko, proved to be ineffective and incapable of driving the people's uprising. Only the heroic actions of ordinary activists and the ripe greed of Yanukovych, along with his unexpected departure, allowed us to succeed. These ineffective assemblies and talks of the opposition led us to despair by January 19, 2014, and realizing that if we didn't change the course of events on the Maidan, we would have to flee the country.
Automaydan was largely composed of the middle class, which had felt the brunt of the security forces’ racketeering, the family’s expropriation of businesses, and the lack of prospects for development under the bandit-like Donetsk regime. Each participant had their own reasons. For me personally, the idea of Eurointegration was not a major concern; with my annual multiple-entry visas, I could travel around Europe and the world without problems, running my business in Ukraine, and I didn’t see much impact from Eurointegration. What drove me was the desire to live and work in Ukraine, not to pay extortionate bribes to corrupt officials, not to be pressured by security forces, and not to fear having my business, built over decades, taken away by some official who decided they liked it.
At this time, the "Family" was seizing assets from Ikspark.
In Automaydan, my role had become that of a systematic analyst and coordinator for various aspects of resistance and some actions. When a new conflict arose before the upcoming assembly, scheduled for January 19, 2014, and it was clear that the people would slowly disperse and everything would come to nothing, we decided to push for decisive action and propose a single leader of resistance from Automaydan to unite the people. We couldn’t wait any longer for these three-headed dragons. We decided within a day who would be the most suitable leader.
Yatsenyuk was immediately dismissed – a political schemer and opportunist who would sell his own mother for power, let alone the revolution. His tarnished reputation as a budget embezzler who lived like an oligarch without ever having his own business was well known. The same opinion applied to the pro-Putin thief Yulia Tymoshenko. Tyahnybok was a small-time party player who was always looking for whom to sell himself to; he leveraged nationalistic ideas to profit from election budgets through dubious schemes.
Poroshenko – a seasoned wheeler-dealer – only appeared on the Maidan for self-promotion. If the Maidan was covered by 5 Kanal, Poroshenko would soon show up. He would walk among the tents, and the cameraman would place him in the right angles against the backdrop of the tents to convey the grandeur of his presence.
The 5 Channel broadcast was undoubtedly the best thing he did for the revolution. Klitschko, as for how he made his fortune – there were no questions. He was decent, hadn’t learned to play dirty or weave intrigues yet, and had not been caught in betrayal. He was oriented towards Europe, and it was him we decided to support as the leader from Automaydan. We understood that Klitschko lacked political experience, but that might be more advantageous than disadvantageous. He showed honesty, decency, and a genuine desire to change the country rather than to use the revolution for personal gain.
As always, we choose not the best among the best, but the best among those available.
The revolution turned out to be much more valuable; the righteous urge of millions to rid the country of the bandit gang was marred by the politicians in the opposition. We knew that Yatsenyuk was negotiating with Yanukovych about the premiership, which was later revealed. Yatsenyuk’s scheming was evident, but he knew the public would have buried him for such betrayal. He wanted it desperately but didn't dare to proceed. Klitschko, meanwhile, was caught in intrigues, and his main party strategist, Vitaliy Kovalyuk, immediately switched allegiance to Poroshenko as soon as it became clear that Poroshenko would run for president.
The Assembly on January 19, 2014
So, before the upcoming assembly, which could have ended in more talk and nothing else, Automaydan devised a plan. We gathered at a café in the Hotel Khreshchatyk because the Maidan on European Square was swarming with SBU agents, who were later discovered to be monitoring everyone. The idea was to resolve the dispute between the opposition leaders and choose a single leader of resistance to rally the revolutionary force around. We decided that Klitschko was the best candidate – brave and untainted by political intrigue and betrayal.
It didn’t matter that he lacked political experience. He would become a symbol of the revolution, around which the activists could rally. We spoke with Klitschko that evening and informed him that we would propose him as a leader. He did not object.
On January 19, 2014, at the assembly, with about 500,000 people on the square and Klitschko appearing on stage with Koba and all the Automaydan leaders, I observed some commotion on stage. Koba was nervously discussing something with Klitschko. I realized something was going wrong. Then I received a text message saying that Klitschko had "backed out" and did not want to be announced as the leader from the stage. "It's not the right time; it will undermine the resistance," he said. We didn’t expect this from Klitschko.
Then Koba took the microphone and delivered an epochal speech that changed the course of history. In that speech, the petty scheming and meanness were evident. At that time, Yatsenyuk’s people controlled the stage microphone and sound equipment. As soon as something was said that they didn’t like, they would cut off the mic. Koba demanded a single leader, and when Yatsenyuk’s people cut off the microphone, Koba brilliantly maneuvered, leaving the choice to the people between the three leaders of the revolution. He called for everyone to rally against the dictatorial laws. This was the moment when the active phase began, leading to the confrontation on Hrushevskoho Street and the series of events that eventually resulted in Yanukovych’s flight and the change of power.
Episode 4: The Nest and the Rift
But let’s return to the Nest. The confrontation among the leaders reached its peak, with mutual accusations leading to a clear split in Automaydan between Bulatov’s faction and Koba-Grytsenko’s faction. Most of Automaydan’s leaders declared their distrust of Bulatov. I understood that this played into the hands of our enemies, and it was crucial to prevent this split. I made every effort to persuade them to stay united, or at least to keep the discord out of the public eye. Bulatov had become synonymous with the leader of Automaydan in the eyes of millions, and this could have led to the collapse of our ideals. This was the general consensus.
From that point on, Koba-Grytsenko’s faction operated according to their own plan, while Bulatov pursued his own course, and I, as the coordinator, found myself caught in the middle.
The internal conflict within Automaydan was halted by a more immediate threat: Koba, Bulatov, and Grytsenko were declared wanted, and the process of seizing their vehicles and bank accounts began. Titiushky (grouping of offenders who initiate provocations, arsons, thefts at the behest of certain criminal persons) and undercover agents were already loitering around their homes. Therefore, Bulatov and other activists, including Senstov and later Grytsenko, took refuge at the ‘Nest’. Gradually, the house turned into a shelter for activists, a storage for supplies, and a recovery center after the Maidan. Later, when serious battles began, we started bringing the wounded from Hrushevskoho Street here. My acquaintances, doctors specializing in trauma, came to help because taking the injured to a hospital was too risky. Incidentally, this is where the infamous recording of my conversations with a doctor, which was wiretapped by the SSU (Security service of Ukraine) , originated.
Episode 5: Escape and Mobilization
Almost simultaneously with the release of the recording, undercover agents and tytushki appeared near the address of my registration. A few days later, on the recommendation of sympathetic security personnel, I had to leave Kyiv. However, my contacts informed me that crossing the border was not an option; our data and photos were on every checkpoint. Consequently, I had to coordinate from hiding, so to speak. ;-) A few weeks before the assault, I had to return to Kyiv for organizational support.
After January 19, 2014, the situation became critical, and we needed to navigate it carefully. Koba was eager to fight, and I took the initiative as a coordinator and proposed changing our tactics. It was clear that any public appearance or visit to Bulatov, Koba, or Grytsenko would result in their arrest or, at best, isolation, rendering them ineffective in the struggle; at worst, they could be abducted or eliminated. We urgently needed a solution. The pressing issue was garnering international support and raising awareness in Europe. I proposed and insisted that the team travel to Europe to mobilize European governments and the public for the Maidan cause. They were initially resistant, but after lengthy debates, they accepted my logic and arguments. I had to resort to threats and ultimatums, arguing that the idea of self-sacrifice was foolish and futile. Thankfully, we managed to convince them.
Koba was the first to be sent out; he had a Schengen visa. We were very concerned about potential delays at the border. I remember the tense silence as we awaited his message, which eventually came: Koba was in Europe! We immediately drafted a program outlining key European cities (Davos, Strasbourg, Munich, Vienna) and the locations of properties owned by Klyuyev, Azarov, and other members of the corrupt regime.
Bulatov’s situation was more complicated; he needed a visa. We got to work on that. Sometimes he hid at the Nest, but we received alerts from the head of the cooperative that the tytushki were already interested in the Nest and were keeping an eye on it. Unfortunately, we didn’t manage to get the visa in time. On the day he was abducted, he reported that he had learned about the freezing of his bank accounts and intended to withdraw the remaining funds from his card. By evening, all contact with him was lost. Later, we found out that he had managed to withdraw all the funds from the Automaydan accounts that he controlled.
Koba was already in Europe and immediately headed to Davos, where the annual economic forum was taking place. Thanks to his connections, he quickly engaged with the European Ukrainian diaspora and began organizing protest activities. Coordinating these actions in Europe proved to be more complex due to their legislation compared to Kyiv, but the support of Ukrainian émigrés made it possible. Sergey organized protests, persuaded European politicians, and sent videos of the events. Meanwhile, we in Kyiv edited the footage and posted it online, demonstrating to the public that the world and Europe supported the revolution.
Serhiy Koba made a significant impact in Europe, and immediately following the Munich Security Conference, Europe fully ceased recognizing and engaging with Yanukovych. He was effectively cornered, with nowhere to turn but to flee to Russia and seek refuge with the criminal Putin.
This was the second major historic achievement of the Automaydan and Serhiy Koba. Despite the attempts by Yanukovych-Medvedchuk propagandists and narrow-minded armchair patriots to undermine the mission, the goal was ultimately accomplished. History eventually set things right; another crucial piece was added to the foundation of our victory, and it worked. We succeeded
Immediately after the revolution, Automaydan carried out a series of effective actions against corruption, for lustration, judicial reform, and more. If it hadn't been for the conflict with Russia, Automaydan would have launched even more extensive attacks on the government. However, the degenerate Yanukovych, in his final act of malice, betrayed Ukraine by requesting Putin to send in troops, thus creating a new, dire threat. The issue of internal struggle and corruption took a backseat as the primary focus shifted to preserving independence and defeating the main evil: the Russian aggressor. Consequently, Automaydan’s main efforts were redirected towards supporting the army and fighting the aggressor. Many activists and leaders were mobilized into the military.
After the victory over the Yanukovych regime, Automaydan immediately transitioned into opposition against the new government. We knew that scoundrels like Yatsenyuk, Yulia, and Poroshenko would seize power, and we definitely did not want to be associated with them.
Automaydan's main resources were focused on addressing the primary threat—Russian aggression. We couldn't dedicate all our forces to combating the second evil, which was the current government. However, our protest actions like "Shark," "Creeps Climbing into Power," picketing, and constant monitoring kept the scoundrels and traitors of the revolution on edge in their offices—they knew this. At that time, we were confident that we would win this internal front against the corrupt and treacherous, and it was beyond doubt. The country was changing for the better, and Automaydan was still in the fight.
No one will make the country better except for ourselves
Yuriy Zozulya (businessman, philanthropist, public figure, founder and investor of Хpark, president Ukrainian Wake Federation UWF, officer)
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Youtube video blog (ukr engl) (link)
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Cenzor blog (engl) (link)
Telegram blog (link)
Video playlist 10 circles of hell Investor in Ukraine (link)
https://www.facebook.com/xpark.kyiv.ua
Full chronology of events (link).
articles on the topic
https://zozulpalevo.blogspot.com/2014/11/the-unknown-automaidan-episode-1.html
https://zozulpalevo.blogspot.com/2015/01/music-mobile-mouthpiece-of-revolution.html
https://zozulpalevo.blogspot.com/2014/02/the-unknown-automaidan-episode-3.html
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